A War of Words: US Foreign Policy vs. Free Press in the Middle East

Opinion Analysis by Taleen El Gharib, Staff Writer

February 23rd, 2021

Free press is a cornerstone for democracy, and the Fourth Estate remains the most vital building block of a democratic government. The Fourth Estate, particularly in the MENA region, has been at war with fulfilling its role as “a watchdog of governmental wrongdoing”.

As the fourth pillar of democracy, its foundations are unstable, or perhaps even tampered with, despite being a highly valuable appendage of the political system that bridges the people and the authority. However, there are sometimes much larger players and higher stakes in this game of chess that have made freedom of expression a criminal act.

The assassination of writers, journalists, and oppositionists: A Middle Eastern tradition?

The right to truth has placed multiple targets on the heads of those who dare speak, and it is true that those who voiced this right were dead men walking. Countries of the MENA region rank among the lowest in press freedom, and unfortunately, the pens of many journalists are denied their ink, often by force.

Among the most known assassinations include Salim Lawzi (1980), Gebran Tueini and Samir Kassir (2005), Jamal Khashoggi (2018), and most recently, Lokman Slim (2021). 

Targeted assassinations become fashionable amidst the revolutionary movements against existing regimes. The trend picked up in different parts of the MENA region, mostly by extreme rightists of the prevailing political regimes. Whoever opposed the often religiously doused dictatorships and highly sectarian systems was viewed as “an ally of the West”, an idea fueled by the East-West dichotomy, which created a division between the two worlds that is not merely geographical.

The War on Terror: Fuel to the flame

After the 9/11 attacks, the US launched an international military campaign aimed to eradicate terrorist organizations within global reach. Bush called on world leaders to join the US in this response, claiming: “Either you are with us or you are with the terrorists”. This historical rendition appeased the East-West dichotomy, and both worlds further manifested the division with time. Each developed their own vision: a terrorist in the eyes of the West held weapons, while a terrorist in the eyes of the East held a pen.

Considering that the US was and remains a global superpower, their policies are the strongest and most influential. Any decision made by the US elicits a domino effect which collapses all over the MENA region, with consequences that the world only views as necessary to eradicate terrorism. 

However, one must consider this: what happens when the US is at its weakest?

A pattern can be drawn between the obstruction of US power and the recurring assassinations in the Middle East, a pattern both resulting from and feeding into the East-West dichotomy. In such a case, the assassinations could be viewed as far more than just an opportunity when onlookers are distracted, but perhaps a deliberate message to taunt the weaker party.

While considering the narrative which paints oppositionists as “allies of the West”, their assassination is a win against Western influence, especially when the US is vulnerable – it’s like kicking a man when he’s down.

This message, however, does not intend to paint the West as a victim of the dichotomy. On the contrary, the repercussions of the division fall heavily on the East, but more drastically on the oppositionists, or rather freethinkers, in the MENA region.

President-elect Joe Biden and his foreign policy

If one were to look at the current state of the US in 2021, it is perhaps at its weakest in history, as Biden is woefully handed a damaged America after Trump’s anarchy. The once polished image of democracy, “land of the free and the home of the brave”, has become a distorted canvas of absolute chaos. It is very unlikely that the US will reclaim its throne.

The interplay of foreign and domestic policy is perhaps among the most delicate of governmental systems. Undoubtedly, the global superpowers weigh a heavy deal on the policy scale, as they politically and economically dominate the global arena. Although the US was perfectly situated atop the list as the strongest and most influential country in the world, their sway on the world stage has been significantly shrunk.

“His [Biden] first love is foreign policy,” said Press Secretary Jen Psaki in early February, 2021. Perhaps President Biden believes that leaning on US foreign policy and motivational speeches will allow the country to restore its former glory and global leadership, but the influence of the US as a global superpower has undeniably been diminished, even if just by a fraction. Biden’s attempts to pacify Americans with reforms in domestic policy will not and cannot overcome the damages done to his so-called “first love”. The aftermath has run its course in the MENA region where sectarianism prevails, and now the region must suffer from the domino effect leading up to disruptions in their own domestic policy related to personal rights and freedoms.

US influence branches out into several domains, but an often-overlooked domain is the link between the US and free press in the Middle East. In order to illustrate the connection, one must consider past assassinations in the MENA countries, with notably sectarian and tyrannical regimes, that occurred in different periods of US political and economic weakness.

While looking at Bush’s second term, post-9/11 and amidst the growing global fight against terrorism, one would notice that the US had not been at its strongest. The US had faced huge clashes with the Middle East, including the road map to peace between israel and Palestine which was initiated in 2003, and the increasing tensions with Iran, which he previously called an “axis of evil”. Bush then took a positive stance alongside Lebanon, saying that it “can serve as a great example (to other countries) of what is possible in the Middle East” as he expressed his support of the Cedar Revolution in 2005 that pushed for the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon.

Similar tensions have risen during Biden’s term, but at a larger expense for the US post-Trump presidency. Both Bush and Trump’s policies were a nearly fatal blow to Middle Eastern sectarian regimes, and as Biden struggles to recollect the shattered US image of democracy, it had posed a weakness in the eyes of the East.

While looking at Lebanon, the country which the US has shown continuous support in protecting its independence and sovereignty, the assassinations around those periods of weakness in the US (of Samir Kassir and Gebran Tueini in 2005 and Lokman Slim in 2021) could have occurred in a timely manner. Those assassinations played a role far beyond just delivering a clear message on the regional level. Lebanon serves a perfect stage for politically fueled performances as not only an extremely sectarian state, but also a country viewed as a victim of East oppression in the eyes of the West. Politically motivated assassinations perfectly timed amidst states of chaos in the US could become a trend as a result of the growing East-West dichotomy.

Although, there is a reason behind the fact that the US is among the strongest democratic regimes with a highly influential global sway. Despite its times of weakness, it also basks in its victories after overcoming political and economic distress. Their secret weapon is quite simple: the control of interest over US politics, what motivates the US to stand for or against any foreign entity. The question now becomes, how does this follow up with the previously mentioned repercussions of US weakness? How is this tactic used to maintain the US position as a superpower?